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After months of escalating protests and grassroots organizing in response to the police killings of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, police reformers have issued many demands. The moderates in this debate typically qualify their rhetoric with "We all know we need police, but..." It's a familiar refrain to those of us who've spent years in the streets and the barrios organizing around police violence, only to be confronted by officers who snarl, "But who'll help you if you get robbed?" We can put a man on the moon, but we're still lacking creativity down here on Earth.
After a series of raids on suspected anarchist cells in Spain, police have arrested 14 people believed to be "members of a terrorist organisation with anarchist tendencies". Spanish media is reporting the sting was part of a larger investigation into anarchist activity labeled "Operation Pandora". The group is allegedly responsible for placing explosives near ATMs in Barcelona.
‘Seeds of Doubt’ contains many lies and inaccuracies that range from the mundane (we never met in a café but in the lobby of my hotel where I had just arrived from India to attend a High Level Round Table for the post 2015 SDGs of the UN) to grave fallacies that affect people’s lives. The piece has now become fodder for the social media supporting the Biotech Industry. Could it be that rather than serious journalism, the article was intended as a means to strengthen the biotechnology industry’s push to ‘engage consumers’? Although creative license is part of the art of writing, Michael Specter cleverly takes it to another level, by assuming a very clear position without spelling it out.
A three-month Fusion investigation that reviewed hundreds of pages of records from five police departments with body camera programs reveals that the way body cameras are used usually serve police more than citizens charging misconduct. And in the data from two cities provided to Fusion, there was little evidence police body cameras reduced police involved shootings or use of force incidents.
Over the past twelve months, new waves of revolt have swept over this continent and the entire world. Against the terror of the Mexican state and its bloody cronies, demonstrations, riots, and attacks have radiated outwards from Ayotzinapa. Triggered by the racist violence of U.S. cops, rebels across the middle of the continent have achieved a new level of intensity and coordination. Blockades and occupations continue to simmer and spread in the Canadian state, with burning barricades built by Mi’kmaq warriors in 2013 finally finding echoes in the Bay Area. It’s vital that we link our practice of New Year’s Eve noise demos to this eruption of social conflict.
anarchistbookfair.net/The NYC Anarchist Book Fair will be returning to Judson Memorial Church on Sat., April 18, 2015—the same location where the annual event was first held nine years ago. The book fair will bring publishers, designers, writers, artists, musicians, and activists from all over North America to this historic location in Greenwich Village—the neighborhood that is one of the birthplaces of the anarchist movement in the US.
Laura Flanders: President Obama chose the 10th anniversary of the (2004) Battle of Fallujah to announce the doubling of the US troop presence in Iraq. Some of those troops are going back to Anbar Province where Fallujah is situated. People talk about the crisis posed by ISIS, and [the West's] lack of good options. Is this how you see it?
Noam Chomsky: It's interesting to look at it carefully. Fallujah, first of all, was one of the worst atrocities of the 21st century. The Iraq war itself was the worst crime of the 21st century, easily. Fallujah was probably the worst war crime carried out during that war.
If you haven’t been living in a cave, you have heard that Greenpeace stenciled a message at the Nazca Lines, one of the world’s most historic cultural sites, last week.
After unfurling canvass saying “TIME FOR CHANGE! The Future Is Renewable” in yellow at an ancient, sacred petroglyph depicting a hummingbird, Greenpeace made sure to scrawl their traditional logo below the message, ensuring that there could be no mistaking its authors. (To be clear: there was damage done at the site through inadvertent movement of the dark rocks that make up the crust of the desert by the activists walking out to put down the fabric.)
Early in the Occupy movement, Frances Fox Piven predicted, “We may be on the cusp, at the beginning of another period of social protest.” Months later, in September 2012, long after the last tent had folded, Piven questioned the “ready conclusion that the protests have fizzled.” As she and Richard Cloward noted 35 years earlier in their pivotal study, Poor People’s Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail, the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s and the labor movement of the 1920s and 1930s took years to win substantial victories.
The system of thought that has come to be called “Italian workerism” is not an organic system. Nor is it contained in any fundamental text, any sort of Bible. It is instead composed of different theoretical contributions from some militant intellectuals who founded the journals Quaderni Rossi and Classe Operaia.1 Raniero Panzieri, Mario Tronti, Toni Negri and Romano Alquati are the ones who laid the foundations of the system, and others, such as Gaspare De Caro, Guido Bianchini, Ferruccio Gambino, Alberto Magnaghi, made essential contributions on specific themes, such as historiography, agriculture, migration, and territory, which completed the horizon of workerist thought, giving it the impression of an internally coherent “system.”
When the Arab Spring unfolded in early 2011, many were taken by surprise. The Western media was in support of social change and revolution in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and elsewhere. After protest movements successfully overthrew several regimes, people all around the world were amazed and at high hopes.
Today the terms “populism” and “workerism” are widely thrown about in South African political circles. Often, these terms and others (“syndicalism,” “ultra-left,” “counter-revolutionary,” “anti-majoritarian” …) have no meaning: they are just labels used to silence critics. SA Communist Party (SACP) leaders do this often. But in the 1980s, “populism” and “workerism” referred to two rival positions battling for the soul of the militant unions.
One of the themes of the superb writing of Henry Giroux is that more and more Americans are becoming "disposable," recognized as either commodities or criminals by the more fortunate members of society. There seems to be a method to the madness of winner-take-all capitalism. The following steps, whether due to greed or indifference or disdain, are the means by which America's wealth-takers dispose of the people they don't need.
Ended the old world order in which US interests in the region East of the Mediterranean let Israel - a bastion of US, continue with its Zionist settler colonialist in the 1967 occupied Palestine. Europe started to advance its own interests which are not in accord with the Israeli bastion. The independent steps of Europe are enhanced by its public opinions against Israeli colonialism to which the joint struggle in the West Bank contribute a lot. It was the approaching of the imminent crisis that forced the Israeli Prime minister to call for election to save him from the timely election when the crisis will be the main agenda. The murder of the Palestinian minister of the popular struggles focused the light on the ferment and the rising of the popular non armed struggles Israel contemplate enhancing the suppression of with systematic use of live ammunition.
I’d like it if you could speak about the period in which Raoul met Attila Kotànyi in Brussels. What do you remember?
A mutual friend, Harry Torrekens, introduced us to Attila. He came from Hungary with his wife, Magda, and their three children. They lived quite miserably in an unfinished building. We sympathized with them and often went there. When they received us, they behaved as if they were wealthy, when in reality things were truly tough for them. Magda faced it all elegantly. She had many human qualities and was intellectually interesting, too.
The term the “radical community” constructs itself as in contrast to that of the plain old “community” and those who fucked up people who comprise it. The radical community designates it self as the proprietors of truth. Those who understand a certain truth of the workings of the world alien to those outside it as the term indicates. In discourse it proclaims to hold a certain perception of power and the human condition ultimately alien to the “working class”. Supposedly with a common directive to unlock this potential. To create a liberatory society. A vanguard if not in name but because they already (to borrow a Maoist term) represent the “advanced”. The select few who hold their sacred knowledge, on an ever beleaguered quest to expose the great deceit to the uneducated “working class” and activate their true potential, revolution or insurrection.
Last week we saw daily pickets in front of the Mall of Berlin – Mall of Shame by the FAU Romanian construction workers and their supporters. Support has been growing from day to day, many people joined the picket line, brought food and other stuff. More than 10.000 leaflets have been handed out so far. On the virtual side more than 1.400 supporters liked the struggle FB so far and nearly 500 signed a petition to the general contractor for the sweathuts that owe the workers their wage. Most Berlin newspapers covered the struggle with more or less sympathies for the workers.
Political struggles over the future of Turkey have left the country profoundly divided. Former Prime Minister, now President, Tayyip Erdogan, has fueled growing polarization through his authoritarian response to protests, his large-scale urban development projects, his religious social conservatism, and most recently, through his complicity in the Islamic State’s war against the Kurdish people in Northern Syria.
In the year after the Gezi uprising, protests continue against the government’s urban redevelopment plans, against police repression, in response to repression of the Kurdish and Alevi populations, and in honor of the martyrs that lost their lives in the uprising. Most recently, angry protests and riots have spread across the country in solidarity with the Kurdish People’s Protection Units fighting against the Islamic State in Kobanê, Rojava. This film chronicles a year of uprisings, resistance and repression since the Gezi uprising in Turkey.