January 11, 1999

Understanding Chiapas: An Analysis of the Current Situation and Beyond

It is my pleasure to forward this summary to you, both as a necessary counterpoint to current government rhetoric and as a starting point for an understanding of the reality of Chiapas within the national and international contexts.

It is difficult to understand the often complex issues surrounding Chiapas without an awareness of two abiding issues, which underpin and color everything which occurs there. Those issues are a deeply entrenched racism and an equally deeply entrenched state party political system.

The Mexican government has attempted, especially over the last year, to provide spin, smokescreen and sop to the international community regarding the situation in Chiapas. These efforts have been reactive, attempts to contain events and information, in the face of ever more uncontainable circumstances. The latest, and perhaps most ambitious, of these efforts, is their:

I. Libro blanco: The White Book

Despite its unfortunately evocative title, the White Book, released by the Attorney General's Office of the Republic (PGR), attempts to offer an historical, anthropological and sociological background for the Acteal massacre of December 22, 1997, in which 45 unarmed indigenous persons, mostly women and children, were slaughtered while at prayer.

In essence, the government blames the victims: resurrecting the old, long since discredited, notion that the massacre was nothing more than an inter-community tussle over rights to a nearby sandbank. They go on to imply that they basically provoked the massacre themselves, through their support for zapatista principles and the local autonomous municipality. They continue to refuse to face - or they deny outright - much of the reality: from the brazen operation of various paramilitary groups to the consistent government policies aimed at destroying all opposition groups. The level of government involvement in the Acteal massacre - in its planning, its execution and its aftermath - is no longer in dispute. Only the details remain hidden.

II. Chiapas

A. State Government

All branches of the state government are, of course, controlled by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and presided over by the current interim governor, Roberto Albores Guillén. Following last September's state elections (in which all state legislators and local municipal council presidents were chosen) - notable for its being held under extraordinarily unsuitable post-flood conditions and for the blatant use of flood aid for the buying of votes - Albores' government has been consolidating control and instituting a step by step propaganda program designed to counter the effects of the conflict there.

His logical first move was to consolidate all state government press offices into one massive centralized information ministry.

Next came the introduction of legislation designed to purport to "respond" to several zapatista pre-conditions for the renewal of dialogue.

The Law for Disarmament and Amnesty would, literally, give economic incentives - in the form of funds and credits from state programs - to those "armed civilian groups" [note: the continued semantic game-playing in their refusal to identify them as paramilitaries] who voluntarily turn in their weapons. It would further offer these persons amnesty. This legislation will almost certainly be rubberstamped by the overwhelmingly PRI dominated state legislature, but what will be the consequences? Essentially, it will give these groups a new level of carte blanche. After having been 'vetted', as it were, by the state, they will be free to act with even greater impunity.

The Redistricting Plan is, first, a relatively straightforward attempt at gerrymandering the municipal districts in the state. The municipal unit is of special importance within the state: as the recipient of governmental funds and programs, and, in return, the source for the carrying out of government programs, be they official or 'unofficial'. Secondly, it is a half-hearted attempt to co-opt the Autonomous Municipalities, which have been instituted in the state by zapatista sympathizers, PRD (Democratic Revolutionary Party) members and other groups independent of the state party system. Its only real effects should be increasing PRI hegemony.

B. THE STATE OF THE STATE

Chiapas continues to be marked by many of the same constellation of circumstances which have been present there since the EZLN uprising. The only changes have generally been an exacerbation of the specific circumstances.

The Federal Army:

There are now believed to be approximately 70,000 federal army troops in the state of Chiapas, in addition to the overwhelming presence of other state and federal police agencies. Official government rhetoric ascribes this presence to maintaining order, fighting drug-trafficking, protecting the southern border and providing security for government installations and natural resources.

No one, of course, believes this, least of all the soldiers themselves, who are often called upon to perform Immigration functions and liaison work with the paramilitaries.

PRI Paramilitaries:

An increasingly pervasive presence in the state, these groups, under a variety of guises, operational methods and makeup, share a number of characteristics. They are well-armed, often with high-caliber (most commonly AK-47's) weapons; they operate with absolute impunity; they act against groups in opposition to the state party system, especially zapatista sympathizers; they appear to have been relatively seamlessly integrated into the state party operating structure. The recruitment of young men under these circumstances - among marginalized and impoverished and groups - through playing to, or creating, antagonistic group relationships - with the offer of money, guns and power - is a practice which is, unfortunately, known in many places in the world other than Chiapas. It also appears to have been extraordinarily useful for the carrying out of both state and federal policies, and is, thus, unlikely to abate in the near or midterm.

The War Against Foreigners:

Another ominous sign has been the increasingly relentless government campaign against the presence of foreigners in the state of Chiapas. Since last years' sweeping and draconian changes in visa policies, there has been constant harassment and deportation of any foreigners suspected of being even slightly interested in anything other than archeological sites and pottery in Chiapas. And even those are at risk. Immigration functions are increasingly being handled by all official and non-official security bodies in Chiapas - often in concert. In their ongoing effort to prevent international observers there, one can expect more situations like those in Los Platanos and Palenque.

The War Displaced:

The real numbers are around 20,000. Forced off their lands and out of their homes by paramilitary activities and police-military operations, these groups continue to survive under shameful conditions. Often without the rudiments of shelter, medical care or even enough food, these children, women and men are an undeniable reminder of the truth of the conflict in Chiapas. Economic Incentives:

The government of Chiapas continues to wave prizes in the face of would-be foreign investors. Whether it is tax breaks or hints of an expansion of the free-trade zone in the south of the state, the government is hoping to attract foreign capital despite the ongoing war and the existence of a police state.

III. Human Rights and Trade

This is not to imply that the real circumstances have not impacted on the outside world, in the arenas of both human rights and trade. They have.

International human rights organizations continue to issue report after report denouncing the above circumstances: Amnesty International, the Inter-American Human Rights Commission of the Organization of American States (OAS), Mary Robinson and the Office of the UN's High Commissioner of Human Rights, to name but a few.

In Europe, Italian members are still successfully holding up ratification of the trade agreement between Mexico and the EU, using the increasingly effective human rights clause. This clause is now obligatory in all trade agreements negotiated by the EU. The Mexican government has had only two responses: silence and the sending abroad of their "peace" point person, Emilio Rabasa Gamboa, to parrot the official and empty government rhetoric.

Neither response has been effective.

IV. Chiapas and Beyond

Chiapas is not going to go away. Nor will it be whitewashed, prettified or made 'local'.

Chiapas will not go away because it speaks to many truths.

Since the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) rose up five years ago, in order to give voice to the centuries-old demands of its indigenous peoples, it has gained, and maintained, the respect, not only of its tens of thousands of supporters, but also of peoples and organizations throughout the country and the world. It has spoken, and acted, with unwavering consistency and honor. It has given - and it continues to give - voice and hope to people who have been without hope and voice.

The Mexican government, however, at all levels, has been unable to respond. They are trapped in an intransigence driven by the need to protect - at all costs - the undemocratic, corrupt and entrenched state-party system. With their backs to the wall, in the face of the world, they send tens of thousands of more soldiers, arm more and more paramilitaries and use ever more ruthless means to still those voices. And those observers.

Facing extraordinary economic crisis - driven by many things, but most evident in the FOBAPROA buy-out and the rise in the prices of basic foodstuffs - the government will be forced to counter more and more truths this year. Just in the last few weeks they have seen the unprecedented display of dissidence from the military and the widespread response to their heavy-handed treatment of dissident teachers.

There will be more.

In a year that promises to be overwhelmed by federal campaigns, economic disasters and an increasingly restive electorate, the state party government continues to flounder.

Its ability to address or resolve the issues in Chiapas appears minimal, and it is the responsibility of everyone - most particularly of the international community - to pay close attention. Government tea parties and government-sponsored tourist outings will not reveal the truth of Chiapas. A truth which is known, increasingly, around the world.

NOTE: In the interest of brevity and readability, I have not included footnotes or bibliography. I would be more than happy to provide source material, on specific or general issues.

FYI: this is a copy of a letter I just sent to all the embassies in Mexico. It is a kind of response - or counter-balance - to a recent 'informational' meeting between the Mexican government and the ambassadors there.

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               The A-Infos News Service

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