Common perspectives on ourselves, our world and social change

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C.A.L. Press Statement

This statement is an updated version of what was originally a statement ofColumbia Anarchist League positions adopted in the spring of 1985, andrevised in late spring of 1989, while the group still existed. It is notmeant to be a finished or unalterable statement but it remains a goodreflection of the perspectives of C.A.L. Press that underly the founding andcontinuing publication of this magazine. Critical comments are welcome andwill be taken under consideration for future versions of this statement. Theoverall form and a few of the basic points of this statement were originallyinspired by British Solidarity's "As We See It." Further points included inthis statement result from theoretical and practical influences originatingfrom the Situationist International, from Fredy Perlman and the DetroitBlack & Red group, and many others.

1. Throughout the world the vast majority of people have no control over themost basic social, economic and political decisions which profoundly anddirectly affect their lives. We are forced to live, work, consume and dieaccording to the dictates of hierarchical organizations-from schools,churches, corporations and unions, to their culmination in the nation-state.We are indoctrinated in government-run and religious schools. We are forcedto sell our lives and labor in capitalist economies, while those who own andcontrol the means of production not only profit from our toil, but determinethe shape and disposition of ever larger areas of both the social andnatural worlds. And we are regimented, taxed and cowed by integrated systemsof local, regional and national governments. They not only make lawsregulating our work, culture and social intercourse, but maintain vastpropaganda apparatuses, police forces, prison systems, armies, surveillancenetworks, and – to ensure our compliance – even torture centers and deathsquads when necessary.

2. The hierarchical and alienating organization of social life imposed uponus by these dominant institutions creates continual crises in every person'slife, and in every realm of human activity. These crises often appear mostintensely in the realm of production – in which most of us must each daysell large portions of our lives for a wage that can never possibly repay usfor what is in turn taken from us. We are forced to labor under a systemwhich allows us neither control of the content of our work, nor itsconditions, its organization, or its purpose and meaning. And we do all thisin exchange for the "privilege" of buying a few mass-produced commoditiesand standardized services that will always remain empty and unsatisfyingsubstitutes for the rich and joyful lives we all in actuality desire. Infact, nearly every facet of life in modern society has by now been colonizedby hierarchy and alienation – family life, sexuality, education, culture,knowledge, communication, health care, transportation, etc. Everywhere thedominant social institutions impose on people an organization of their dailylives that is external to them. Everything is organized for ulteriorpurposes, without the free and conscious participation of those mostdirectly concerned, and usually against people's actual values, aspirationsand interests. As a result of this, it isn't very surprising that peopleexperience many aspects of their lives and bodies as being unreal – alien tothem – or as being subject to irresistible forces of mystifying origins.

3. The poverty, the meaninglessness and the alienation of everyday life inthe modern world are not accidental by-products of an otherwise sound socialsystem. They are the inevitable and primary products of a system which atits core is not only disastrously counterproductive, but in its presentnuclear, digital and biotech phase is increasingly suicidal. This systemconsists of a relatively coherent structure of self-reinforcing socialrelations of compulsion, hierarchical authority and commodity-exchange whosecommon basis can possibly be most easily understood using the concept ofalienation. The word "alienation" denotes the process by which people's actscan become estranged – and no longer appear or be felt as their own. Theinstitution of human slavery, for example, involves an obvious process ofalienation of the slave's life-activity. When originally free people werefirst captured by slaveholding societies, it was necessary to forciblyenslave them since they naturally realized that the work, deference andpassivity required of them was absolutely alien to their own desires andwill. The unity of their desires, will and activity was broken, but theycould easily feel and understand this alienation because of (and alsoresulting in) the necessity of its constant imposition by force. However,once their slavery had been forced for a certain time, they, wouldconsciously develop habits of self-repression to avoid being punished forforgetting the role they were required to play. They would adapt to theexpectations of the slaveholders by learning how to be slaves and thinkingof themselves as slaves, albeit reluctant ones. And finally, many of themwould over time (and especially with the passing of generations) come toreally see themselves as slaves, to believe that slavery was a naturalinstitution, and that it was their natural place to be slaves. Their habitsof self-repression would become so internalized and unconscious that theywould forget they were originally only consciously developed habits. Theybecame slaves in fact, and if the opportunity would come for them to escapethey would no longer realize that somewhere deep inside they wanted toescape and live their own lives. Their alienation was so complete that theycould no longer feel their desires as their own, or exercise their wills,outside of a sharply circumscribed area of their lives. The process ofalienation involved in the institution of slavery is analogous to theprocess of socialization through which we all learn our own 'natural" placeswithin contemporary institutions like the nuclear family, compulsory(mis)education, wage-slavery, representative democracy, etc. Most of us arenow so alienated that we no longer feel our repressed desires as our own.Nor are we able to exercise our wills outside of a narrow area which hasbeen officially designated as our reality by all the authorities and all thedominant institutions which define our lives.

4. The current crisis of massive ecological destruction can be seen as oneof the unintended results of the relatively unchecked progress of modernsocial alienation. Not only have we been made slaves ourselves, but much ofthe natural world is now treated as a slave to our dominant institutions.This partial enslavement of nature has been made possible by the progressivedevelopment of an alienated modern science in conjunction with theexponential growth of an extremely alienated economy and technology. Muchearlier and more "primitive" societies and civilizations have laid waste tovast stretches of the natural world – through deforestation, over-grazing,and agricultural pillage of the soil. These practices, especially inconjunction with the intensive exploitation involved in the building ofernpire-states, have occasionally even resulted in the creation of vastdeserts. However, the current systematic and progressive degradation anddestruction of our natural environment is unprecedented. Although the seedsof our ecological crisis have been implicit all along in the very premisesand structure of human civilization, it has been only with the relativelyrecent rise of industrial capitalism that this crisis could reach such anintensive and worldwide scope. The capitalist system of industrialexploitation, when combined with the power of a narrowly scientific andtechnical rationality, has succeeded in turning every aspect of our selvesand our world into potential resources. By objectifying, classifying andanalyzing everything in terms of its value for domination and exchange (andby subordinating all other forms of knowledge, perception and experience tothis narrow vision), modern science has reduced the very idea of nature towhatever can be mined or extracted – without regard for its non-economicvalue. Scientism, or positivism (in other words, science conceived as anideology), has so succeeded in enchanting and mystifying our experiences ofour natural and social worlds that most people now unself-consciously speakin its alienating terms as if scientific descriptions really are identicalwith the reality we live! The capitalist/technological project (andimplicitly the project of all civilization) is often termed the "dominationof nature." This attempt at domination began with the subjugation of our ownnatures, reducing human beings to the status of mere machines, in order tocreate the social machinery which now aspires to devour the rest of nature.This whole historical process is what lies behind the increasingly pervasiveidea that we are alienated from nature. Though all too often in practice theconception of our alienation from nature is itself mystified by reducing itto the status of a religious or metaphysical, or even a biologicalphenomenon.

5. According to the classical description of alienation in the realm of workunder capitalism, when people's labor-activity is sold to capitalists inexchange for a wage, this labor-activity is alienated. It is controlled bythe capitalist (whether the capitalist is a person or an institution such asa corporation or the state) and not by the individual or community. So theindividual worker finds her/himself acting according to the dictates of alogic that is externally imposed. S/he becomes a mere cog in the machineryof a productive apparatus which has a purpose above and beyond those of allthe workers involved in it. Each individual worker is isolated from the restas much as possible by the corporate or bureaucratic management of largebusinesses, while the lines of hierarchical authority maintain disciplinewithin a rigid division of labor in an organizational system designed tomake profits, accumulate capital, and reproduce the power of the managers.The collective activity of all the atomized working people thus continuallyreproduces an entire organizational system which appears to take on aninertia and direction of its own as even the actions of the managers becomemore and more rigidly determined by the logic of organizational reproductionand expansion to which they too must submit.

6. Ironically, it is people's own alienated gestures, thoughts andlabor-activity that make up the actual substance of the institutions whichin turn oppress them. And the same process of alienation takes place notonly in the realm of production and the domination of nature, but also inevery other sphere of social activity. This results in an entire socialworld that always appears to be out of anyone's control, moving inexorablyalong its own mystifying path according to its own hierarchical and alienlogic. Thus the economy is said to regulate itself with the influence of an"invisible hand" through which we become victims of depressions, inflation,unemployment, etc. And in the political sphere the organs of local, regionaland national government exhibit similar phenomena. The political partiesbecome more and more the same, while none are ever capable of controllingfor long the crises which prompt their election (or their coups d'etat). Allgovernments are forced to submit to the same alien logic of the sameinternational system. East and west, results are basically the same thoughthe means be different. And in all the other spheres of life that havebecome dominated by hierarchical forms of organization the individual issubjected to the same processes since by definition all hierarchicalorganization involves compulsion, and compulsion always requires that theindividual alienate his/her own activity, in order to fit him/herself intothe roles required. Ultimately, the more our lives are devoted to performingall the alienating roles of hierarchical commodity society, the less we areable to live – the less our lives are in any sense really our own.

7. Social alienation is not only grounded in our institutions. It isembedded within the very fabric of our social and (what is left of) communallife. It pervades everyday activity and its discourse. Our socialtraditions, customs, mores, conventions and sensibilities have been steepedso consistently and for so long in the stew of reitication and hierarchicalrelations that it can often seem that all of society stands against us as analien entity. The heavy weight of all the social mythologies which crush ushas increasingly forced any possibilities for authentic individuation,personal autonomy and genuine community farther and farther to the marginsof social existence. The mutual relationship of support between theindividuals who make up society and the society which gives birth to theindividual, has increasingly broken down. The multiplication of socialdivisions and separations has increasingly compartmentalized every aspect ofexistence and shut them off from one another. The personal has been setagainst the public sphere, the old against the young, and vice versa.Sexuality has been relegated to the bedroom and the marketplace, with allother venues forbidden. The demands of all the compulsory social roles –worker & student, consumer, husband & wife, tourist & resident, adult &child, single, gay, cripple and homeless – have left less and less room forthe expression of genuine personal difference. Similarly, the fanaticalseparation of emotion from reason, and of the sensual from the practical hasprogressively diminished the social possibilities for the expression ofeither side of these artificial dichotomies. The alienation inherent in theone-sided rationality of domination and production has led many to embracevarious forms of the irrational in its stead. While others have sought todevelop a more inclusive and integral conception of reason. In a veryimportant sense, the development of human rationality is inextricable fromthe more general development of human evolution (reaching back into therealm of the pre-human, and by implication to all of the rest of nature).Yet the varied meanings which are given to the ideas of reason and unreasonusually merely reflect the flip-sides of the coin of alienation-positivistboredom or irrationalist incoherence.

8 People are never merely the passive victims of an externally imposed repression and manipulation. Through our socialization (our social conditioning) into this society, we have each learned to participate to differing degrees in our own self-repression and self-manipulation. Our conformity is enforced, not only by the bosses' orders and the policeman's gun, but by the internalized boss and policeman of our own behavior that each of us carries within us, and which we call character. Character is the form taken by alienation in the individual. It is like a layer of deadened psychic scar tissue or an armoring which each of us has been forced to develop in order to cope with a hierarchical and alienating society. By developing this unconscious layer of armoring (this habitual layer of compulsive self-repression) we protect ourselves from some of the harsher effects of hierarchy and alienation, but only at the great cost of both isolating and inhibiting ourselves, as well as deforming our activities and thoughts. Character can be variously manifested as: compulsive inhibitions, chronic muscular tensions and anxieties, chronic feelings of guilt, perceptual blocks or a chronic narrowing of the perceptual field, exaggerated respect for authority figures, adherence to dogmas and an inability to think for oneself, compulsive fears or paranoia, chronic feelings of insecurity, compulsive role-playing and inability to drop pretenses in order to 'be oneself," religious beliefs and beliefs in other types of absolutes, racist, sexist or ageist attitudes, ad nauseam. Character is the integrated organization of all the internalized habitual incapacities which serve to adapt individuals to the demands of an irrational society. It is the means by which hierarchical and alienating social structures have invaded and colonized our very bodies and experience. We have all been crippled by it. Many people have been so mutilated that they now identify more with repressive and exploitative institutions than with their own spontaneous impulses, desires and feelings. Character is a mechanism created by the interaction of the forces of social conditioning and our responses to them. It enables us above all to treat others and ourselves (and be treated by others) as commodities on the market to be bought and sold, and as objects within hierarchies to be ordered and manipulated. Hierarchical capitalist society demands that human beings be treated everywhere as if they are really only objects. The development of character is our way of becoming those objects and forgetting that we were once something more.
(for a rnore detailed description of the concept of character from ourperspective, see "Beyond Character and Morality" [available from theC.A.L. – send a SASE, or in an abridged version in the book ReinventingAnarchy, What are the anarchists thinking these days?, edited by Ehrlich,Ehrlich, DeLeon & Morris and published by Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979; orIn Reinventing Anarchy, Again, edited by Howard Ehrlich, and published by AKPress, 1996). Or see the classic text by Wilhelrn Reich, CharacterAnalysis.)

9. Ideology is the manifestation of character in the realm of logic, language and symbols. It is the means by which alienation and hierarchies (and thus character) are all rationalized and justified through the deformation of human thought and communication. All ideology in essence involves the substitution of alien concepts or images for human subjectivity. Ideologies are systems of false consciousness in which people no longer see themselves as subjects in their relation to their world. Instead they see themselves in some manner as though they are subordinated to some type or other of abstract entities which become the "real" subjects or actors in their world. Whenever any system of ideas and duties is structured with an abstraction at its center – assigning people roles or duties for its own sake – such a system is always an ideology. All the various forms of ideology are structured around different abstractions, yet they all always serve the interests of hierarchical and alienating social structures, since they are hierarchy and alienation in the realm of thought and communication. Even if an ideology opposes hierarchy or alienation in its content, its form still remains consistent with what is opposed, and this form will always tend to undermine the apparent content of the ideology. Whether the abstraction is God, the State, Technology, the Family, Humanity, Peace, Ecology, Nature, Work, Love, or even Freedom; if it is conceived and presented as if it is a subject with a being of its own which makes demands of us, then it is the center of an ideology, and it is thus a lie. Capitalism, Individualism, Communism, Socialism, and Pacifism are each ideological in some respect as they are usually conceived. Religion and Morality are always ideological by their very definitions. Even resistance, revolution and anarchy often take on ideological dimensions when we are not careful to maintain a critical awareness of how we are thinking and what the actual purposes of our thoughts are. Ideology is nearly ubiquitous. From advertisements and commercials, to academic treatises and scientific studies, almost every aspect of contemporary thinking and communication is ideological, and its real meaning for human subjects is lost under layers of mystification and confusion. For this reason we tend to avoid use of the word "anarchism" (with its implications of an overly closed, system-based theory and practice) in favor of the words "anarchy" and "anarchist theory," which suggest a more dialectical and pragmatic attitude towards a theory and practice always subject to development and change.
(for a more detailed description of ideological or positive theory, as wellas its contrast with critical self-theory, see "An Introduction to criticaltheory" in Anarchy #18 – available from the CA.L. for $6.00.)

10. At the epitome of ideological mystification lies the spectacle. Thespectacle is the organization of appearances made possible through all themodern media of communication. The ease with which images can be detachedfrom their sources and reorganized for representation in these media inaccord with the ideologies of our dominant institutions forms the technicalbasis for the manipulation of not just isolated images and ideologies, butof the appearance of reality itself. As the scope and power of thespectacular organization of society increases, more and more of what wasonce directly lived, has been reduced to its re-presentation as images to beconsumed. For the organization of spectacular activity is also theorganization of the actual social passivity of its spectators, which is itsnecessary counterpart. Instead of living their lives directly, people areincreasing reduced to becoming mere spectators who consume the images oftheir own alienated lives that are unilaterally presented to them by thedominant institutions of modern society. The spectacle is not just acollection of images, but more importantly it is a social relation amongpeople mediated by images. The major problem with contemporary media is notjust that they always present hierarchical perspectives as if no others arepossible (although this ideological narrowness of content obviously exists).It is a far deeper problem of the very form or structure of the mass media.In the end content is less important than the hierarchical and alienatingstructure of the media which present it. Whatever the overt messages, theubiquitous, but covert message produced is that each of us is only apowerless spectator in a world over which we can have no control. Our onlychoice is to select between the options allowed us by the invisible powerswhich determine everything else.

11. If our institutions, culture and social relations were really directexpressions of our own collective desires and needs they would rarely bequestioned. There would be little opposition to them since for each of usthey would be fulfilling our purposes. But whenever a system of alienatingsocial relationships is imposed upon people as ours is, it inevitablyengenders widespread resistance. Such engendered resistance is the naturalresult of forcing people to accept an alien way of life as if it were reallytheir own. Whenever people are forced to repress and act against their ownimpulses, perceptions, judgement and values, they tend to rebel – sometimesdirectly, openly and consciously, but often covertly, or even unconsciously.Even when such an alien system exists for generations, and people are sosocialized and indoctrinated that it comes to seem more real than their ownselves, even then there is inevitably widespread resistance, though it mayexpress itself only sporadically and largely remain confined to subterraneanundercurrents of rebellion or negativity. The institutionalization ofrepression and alienation is always followed by a return of the repressed.In the psychoanalytic conception of human nature repressed drives, desiresand wishes are seen as never being annihilated outright, but instead alwaysreturn to people's experience expressed in other forms (such as in theirdreams or unconscious slips). Similarly, institutional repression neverentirely annihilates people's ultimately ineradicable desire to live andcontrol their own lives. Rather, people's resistance to the imposition ofthe artificial constraints of fundamentally irrational and authoritariansocial systems will always continue to be expressed in thousands of ways ineach day of each person's life. This engendered resistance within the heartof our everyday lives is a natural and spontaneous response to theimposition of authoritarian social relationships. It is a generalized, yetusually unconscious movement of negation which contains within itself theseeds of all potentially conscious movements for libertarian social change.And in fact, most other radical, political, social and religious movementsalso have their roots here. From a vague and ambiguous urge to do somethingor change things, to minimal acts like high-school vandalism, on-the-jobtheft, and ridicule of authority figures, to major acts like the decision toparticipate in a riot or wildcat strike; spontaneous expressions ofnegativity may be the unexplored and uncharted pivotal points which hold themost promise for genuine social radicalization in the near future. At theleast, we must realize that the exclusion of all but conscious and coherentactivities from one's perception of political reality can only beself-defeating where radical perspectives are concerned.

12. It might seem intuitively obvious that any act of resistance to arepressive and alienating social system is a step (no matter how small) inthe direction of creating a new society. However, such an assumption is farfrom the truth. In practice, it becomes obvious that many acts whichsuperficially appear opposed to hierarchy and capital are in actuality quitecompatible with them. These acts of partial opposition always begin with abasic acceptance of the necessity for hierarchical power and socialalienation, and only resist specific abuses or injustices within the overallsystem. Because partial opposition has such a narrow focus on reforming onlycertain aspects of the social structure, it has the paradoxical effect ofstrengthening the social system it appears to fight by legitimizing theoverall system at the same time as it helps it depressurize and adapt todemands for social change. This depressurization of social forces demandingchange is sometimes called "recuperation." By recuperating impulses towardgenuine social change, and channeling these impulses toward the real orimagined reform of the existing social system, the system not onlyeliminates a threat to its continued existence, but it also strengthens itshold on people by giving the impression that fundamental reforms may bepossible by a piecemeal process, and that any more radical opposition mightthreaten reforms already made. Partial opposition is always contrary to anygenuinely radical opposition because it always accepts the ground rules ofhierarchical commodity society as its own. Liberal reformists, "radical"moralists and social democrats would all prefer that we fought for"realistic" reforms on our knees than for radical change on our feet.

False opposition is a special case of partial opposition. It is an attemptto appear total or radical, while remaining only partial in actual practice.This type of opposition is especially typical of Marxist-Leninist (andStalinst, Maoist, etc.) groups. They claim to be revolutionary, but theiractual practice reproduces most of the hierarchical and bureaucratictendencies of the society they criticize. Despite their radical pretensions,they ultimately maintain only a coup d'etat mentality and seek to installthemselves in power as a new and "enlightened" ruling class. A furtherspecial case of partial opposition can be called "spectacular opposition."Spectacular opposition involves the manufacture of an image of revolt whichhas few or no roots in any real social existence. In this type of imaginaryopposition, celluloid images of revolt are created by media radicals, or bythe media itself, whose content is minimal or absent.

Radical opposition on the other hand attempts to subvert hierarchy andalienation at their roots. It is always a conscious opposition to thetotality of the existing social system since it is based on an understandingof how that system operates in an integrated fashion as a whole. Thisholistic perspective reveals that when only one aspect of the system ischallenged, the system as a whole will compensate and recuperate thechallenge until it has been sufficiently defused and reintegrated, at whichtime the system is then able to begin reversing any reforms which no longerserve its purposes. The only type of movement which can ever hope for realchange is one which challenges the social system as a whole at all times,even when it is concentrating on particular aspects of that sys-tem.

13. The absolute elimination of all social alienation is probably animpossibility, and those who demand the attainment of such abstractabsolutes are most likely dogmatic fanatics to be avoided. They are thewould-be Robespierres of future reigns of terror. However, between theScylla of fanaticism and the Charybdis of an unprincipled and opportunisticreformism, lies what we believe to be a realizable and viable conception ofa qualitatively more free, equitable and enjoyable social system. Such asystem would not be pure or perfect, but it could involve a genuinelyradical re-structuring of society that would change the balance of socialrelations – ending the historical dominance of hierarchical andauthoritarian social relationships, and replacing their dominance with aself-reinforcing system of non-hierarchical social relationships which canbe considered a form of anarchy.

14. Anarchy literally means no ruler. In its best sense it signifies asocial system in which political hierarchies and authoritarianism are nottolerated. Instead of hierarchical rule by monolithic institutions over thegeneral public, anarchy in this sense demands the most complete, widespreadand effectively direct control possible by all those who are involved. Thisdoes not just mean that anarchists have some sort of vague or abstractbelief in democracy, or consensus or individualism. This means thatanarchists demand explicitly direct and concrete popular participationwithin and control of every significant social institution by those who areaffected by them – not just control over institutional organization andmanagement, but also and just as important, over their direction, ends andvery existence. This can only be achieved through widespread and consciouscommitment to libertarian social and institutional values and practices(self-management, spontaneity, autonomy, cooperation, human-scaleorganization, direct responsibility/accountability/action, and maximumflexibility) within a reorganized institutional framework centered aroundvery specific, workable and effective means of libertarian communication anddecision-making.

15. Any genuine resistance and opposition to hierarchical society – anymovement which seeks to make a real and significant qualitative change inthe way society is organized – must be a self-consciously and criticallyradical social movement. And any such movement must involve as its centralfeatures both a prefiguring of the type of society which it seeks to create(in its own organization and in the quality of the everyday socialrelationships which it fosters) and an uncompromising break with capital andstate. The concept of prefigurement is another way of saying that the meansof social transformation largely determine the end which is produced. Thus astaunchly Marxist-Leninist movement will almost invariably translate thedictatorial style of its typical means (hierarchical political partyorganization, ideological and dogmatic theory, democratic centralism, avanguardist mentality, and generally conservative social values) into theactual monolithic bureaucratic dictatorships we have come to expect as itsend (Soviet Union, People's Republic of China, Cuba, Vietnam, etc.). Whileon the contrary, libertarian revolutionary movements attempt to createalternative organizations and counter-institutions (directly controlled) asmeans toward the end of creating a genuinely self-managed society. Inpractice these organizations can be (and have been) as diverse as anarchistaffinity groups and federations; rank-and-file workers groups,anarcho-syndicalist unions, and factory-committees or councils; libertariancommunity groups and associations; collectives and cooperatives of manytypes; a multitude of cultural institutions from workers centers, studycircles, free schools, radical libraries and documentation centers to cafesand punk clubs; as well as armed guerrilla groups and factory or communityself-defense groups and militias when necessary.

16. We understand that the conditions of our lives and our experiences inthe dominant social institutions constantly drive us to question, resist,and find the methods of organization which challenge the established socialorder and established patterns of thought. On the other hand, we recognizethat as radicals we are fragmented, largely dispossessed of the means ofcommunication, and we are all at different levels of awareness,consciousness and practice. We who have signed this statement constituted asmall number of individuals within a worldwide movement of people who arecommitted to changing their lives and transforming their world. We do notsee ourselves as yet another leadership looking for followers, but as agroup of like-minded people working toward a more libertarian society. Weseek to help demystify all the ideological pretensions which paralyze peopleand leave them powerless to act outside of established institutions andalienating modes of social intercourse. We seek to challenge every instanceof hierarchy, exploitation, alienation and mystification, to stimulate,encourage and help people who are involved in libertarian struggles, and togeneralize our experiences, to make a total critique of our condition andits causes, and to help develop the wide-spread revolutionary consciousnessand activity necessary for the total transformation of life.

C.A.L. Press
POB 1446
Columbia, MO 65205-1446

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